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“Medicare for All” had dominated campaigns and media coverage leading up to the 2026 midterm elections, but a spin on it is also emerging as part of Democrats’ latest healthcare push. 

The Medicare for All movement garnered substantial support leading up to the midterms. Ahead of the election, KFF found two-thirds of adults supported Medicare for All, up from 53% when the polling organization last asked about it in October 2020. A separate Axios/Ipsos American Health Index survey from late September found that 43% of Americans would support a Medicare for All program that would largely replace private insurance.

In 2020, the Democratic Party itself was divided about Medicare for All, even if candidates did back some form of expanded coverage. Despite the recent surge in popularity, partisan divides persisted in the 2026 midterms. Both polls found the majority of Democrats were in favor, whereas the majority of Republicans opposed.

Many voters rallied behind Democratic candidates with their own takes on Medicare for All, notably Michigan’s Abdul El-Sayed, MD, who ended up claiming Michigan’s open Senate seat. The new Congress, led by Democrats, will be sworn in Jan. 3.

The recent “blue wave” in Congress repositions several healthcare issues that lawmakers have been facing, such as enhanced ACA premium subsidies and Medicaid eligibility changes. In the House Democrats’ healthcare agenda, obtained by Politico ahead of the election, lawmakers stopped short of backing a Medicare for All approach, acknowledging diverse opinions on how to create widespread health coverage. The document said that in the new Congress’ first year, Democrats would need to find a consensus with a universal coverage model, listing the Medicare for All Act introduced in 2025 as a consideration.

But there is another tenet of the agenda gaining traction: guaranteeing health coverage through age 26.

The ball is already rolling on that idea. In July, Sen. Andy Kim, D-N.J., introduced his “MediKids” bill, which would ensure coverage for children and young people up to that age. When launching the bill, a news release from Mr. Kim’s office said 4.4 million children in America lack healthcare coverage, while one-third are underinsured.

The bill would update the Social Security Act, broadening Medicaid eligibility and requiring states to automatically enroll newborns. Guardians could opt out children if they have sufficient coverage, and the MediKids coverage would not depend on immigration status. The bill would also set the federal medical assistance percentage at 100% for this newly eligible population.

Most provisions would kick in two years after the bill’s enactment. The American Academy of Pediatrics and the American College of Obstetricians & Gynecologists endorsed the bill, according to the release. The House Democrats’ agenda also cited other pieces of legislation with similar objectives.

Rachael Bedard, MD, a New York Times contributing opinion writer, acknowledged other healthcare reform ideas spearheaded by Democrats but said MediKids is the place to start.

“Kids, for the most part, are inexpensive to insure,” she wrote Nov. 7. “They can’t be criticized for being dependent on others. The preventive care they receive early in life shows up later when they don’t get sick. And interventions delivered at routine pediatrician visits can yield secondary benefits for maternal health, literacy and child safety.”

The bill was designed with budget reconciliation in mind, she said. During that process, only a simple majority of 51 votes would be needed to pass the bill in the Senate, rather than the typical 60. A reconciliation bill also is not subject to a filibuster. The president still holds veto power.

“If Republicans fight it, that opposition will only sharpen the distinction between the parties in advance of 2028,” she wrote.

The post Medicare for All or just for kids? appeared first on Becker’s Hospital Review | Healthcare News & Analysis.

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